Eric Garcetti showed political savvy during busy student years









Fourth in a series of articles focusing on key periods in the lives of the mayoral hopefuls.


Ben Jealous still recalls walking into a Columbia University meeting of a new group called Black Men for Anita Hill and seeing a half-Jewish, half-Mexican kid from Los Angeles leading the discussion.


"What's he doing here?" he asked the professor who organized the meeting.





"Honestly brother," the teacher replied, "he's the only one here I'm certain will really work hard."


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It was Jealous' first exposure to Eric Garcetti, a committed young progressive known on campus for gliding between different worlds and liberal causes. As a political science major at Columbia, Garcetti patched plaster and painted walls in low-income apartments in Harlem while also serving as the president of an exclusive literary society known for its wealthy membership. He led a men's discussion group on gender and sexuality, ran successfully for student government, and wrote and performed in musicals.


His busy student years offered hints of the future political persona that would later help him win a Los Angeles City Council seat and emerge as a leading candidate for mayor. As he pursued countless progressive causes — improved race relations in New York City, democracy in Burma and human rights in Ethiopia — Garcetti also exhibited a careful stewardship of his image and a desire to get along with everyone.


Some of his critics complain that he is confrontation averse, and say his chameleon-like abilities are political. Others complain that he has lost touch with his activist roots, citing his recent advocacy for a plan to allow taller and bigger buildings in Hollywood despite strong opposition from some community members.


But Jealous, who went on to study with Garcetti at Oxford, where they were both Rhodes scholars, remembers his classmate as "authentically committed" to social justice and naturally at ease in different settings. That was a valuable trait in early 1990s New York City, when tensions between whites and blacks were high, said Jealous, who is now the president of the National Assn. for the Advancement of Colored People. Against a backdrop of racial violence, including the stabbing of the Rev. Al Sharpton in Brooklyn in 1991, "there was an urgent need to build bridges," he said.


On Columbia's campus, Garcetti pushed to involve more men in Take Back the Night protests against sexual violence and tracked hate crimes as president of the National Student Coalition Against Harassment. He also worked against homelessness and founded the Columbia Urban Experience, a program that exposes incoming freshmen to city life through volunteerism.


Judith Russell, a Columbia professor who taught Garcetti in a yearlong urban politics course, remembers him as a skilled organizer. "Eric was one of the best people I've ever met at getting people to agree," she said.


He was also ambitious. Russell says she wrote countless recommendation letters for Garcetti, who was always applying for some new opportunity. "For most people I have a file or two. For Eric I have a folder," she said.


Even as a student, Garcetti went to great lengths to guard his image and public reputation. In a 1991 letter to a campus newspaper, a 20-year-old Garcetti sought a retraction of a quote that he acknowledged was accurate. A reporter wrote that Garcetti called owners of a store that declined to participate in a Columbia-sponsored can recycling program "assholes." Garcetti said the comment was off the record.


"I would ask, then, if you would retract the quote, not because of the morality of my position, rather the ethics of the quoting," he wrote.


That self-awareness came partly from being raised in a politically active family. Back in Los Angeles, his father was mounting a successful campaign for county district attorney. His mother, the daughter of a wealthy clothier, ran a community foundation. Her father, who had been President Lyndon B. Johnson's tailor, made headlines in the 1960s when he took out a full-page ad in the New York Times calling on Johnson to exit the Vietnam War.


Garcetti's family wealth allowed him to carry on the legacy of political activism. While attending L.A.'s exclusive Harvard School for Boys, he traveled to Ethiopia to deliver medical supplies. In college, while other students worked at summer jobs, he traveled twice to Burma to teach democracy to leaders of the resistance movement.


In 1993, after receiving a master's degree from Columbia's School of International and Public Affairs, Garcetti departed for Oxford. There he met Cory Booker, a fellow Rhodes scholar who is now the mayor of Newark, N.J., and a likely candidate for the U.S. Senate. Garcetti, Booker said, "was one of those guys who would be in the pub at midnight talking passionately about making a better world."


In England, Garcetti worked with Amnesty International and also met his future wife, Amy Wakeland, another Rhodes scholar with activist leanings. Garcetti remembers being impressed when Wakeland missed President Clinton's visit to the Rhodes House at Oxford because she was on the streets protesting tuition hikes. Her worldview aligned with his, he told friends.


In his second year at Oxford, Garcetti persuaded student leaders to join him in a hunger strike after the passage of Proposition 187, the 1994 California ballot measure that denied immigrants access to state healthcare and schools.


Looking back, he sees the hunger strike as a bit of youthful folly. "We were young," Garcetti said. "Was a fast an ocean away going to overturn 187? No. But in my book, whether it's me in Los Angeles seeing an injustice across an ocean or vice versa, you have to stand up and be heard."





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Prince Harry Dances, Cooks with Kids In South Africa









02/27/2013 at 08:30 AM EST







Prince Harry, at Lesotho's St. Bernadette's Centre for the Blind


Chris Jackson/Getty


From the slopes of the Alps to the southern African mountain kingdom of Lesotho, Prince Harry is now giving back.

Just returned from his skiing holiday with girlfriend Cressida Bonas, Harry is spending a couple of days in Africa, to work with the Sentebale charity he set up with Lesotho's Prince Seeiso.

Early Wednesday, the Prince, 28, visited the Kananelo Center for the Deaf just outside the capital Maseru, where he was welcomed with a huge "Hi Harry" sign on the chalkboard.

As he attempted to learn some sign language from the children, he quipped to his friend Seeiso, "I'm never going to get this right."

The two princes, who set up the charity (Sentebale means "Forget Me Not") in honor of their late mothers, were then taken to the school's kitchen, where Harry slipped on a purple apron decorated with teddy bears before they tried their hand at making Sotho sweet bread cooked in boiling oil – also known as "fat cakes."

They also got down on their knees to join the kids in a dance.

Following that visit, the pair headed to St. Bernadette's School for the Blind in the capital, Maseru. There, Harry was welcomed with a song sung in the Sesotho language.

The charity supports tens of thousands of children who are either suffering from HIV/Aids, have been orphaned, or have disabilities.

Later, he is to be guest of honor at a fundraising dinner in Johannesburg.

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Advanced breast cancer edges up in younger women


CHICAGO (AP) — Advanced breast cancer has increased slightly among young women, a 34-year analysis suggests. The disease is still uncommon among women younger than 40, and the small change has experts scratching their heads about possible reasons.


The results are potentially worrisome because young women's tumors tend to be more aggressive than older women's, and they're much less likely to get routine screening for the disease.


Still, that doesn't explain why there'd be an increase in advanced cases and the researchers and other experts say more work is needed to find answers.


It's likely that the increase has more than one cause, said Dr. Rebecca Johnson, the study's lead author and medical director of a teen and young adult cancer program at Seattle Children's Hospital.


"The change might be due to some sort of modifiable risk factor, like a lifestyle change" or exposure to some sort of cancer-linked substance, she said.


Johnson said the results translate to about 250 advanced cases diagnosed in women younger than 40 in the mid-1970s versus more than 800 in 2009. During those years, the number of women nationwide in that age range went from about 22 million to closer to 30 million — an increase that explains part of the study trend "but definitely not all of it," Johnson said.


Other experts said women delaying pregnancy might be a factor, partly because getting pregnant at an older age might cause an already growing tumor to spread more quickly in response to pregnancy hormones.


Obesity and having at least a drink or two daily have both been linked with breast cancer but research is inconclusive on other possible risk factors, including tobacco and chemicals in the environment. Whether any of these explains the slight increase in advanced disease in young women is unknown.


There was no increase in cancer at other stages in young women. There also was no increase in advanced disease among women older than 40.


Overall U.S. breast cancer rates have mostly fallen in more recent years, although there are signs they may have plateaued.


Some 17 years ago, Johnson was diagnosed with early-stage breast cancer at age 27, and that influenced her career choice to focus on the disease in younger women.


"Young women and their doctors need to understand that it can happen in young women," and get checked if symptoms appear, said Johnson, now 44. "People shouldn't just watch and wait."


The authors reviewed a U.S. government database of cancer cases from 1976 to 2009. They found that among women aged 25 to 39, breast cancer that has spread to distant parts of the body — advanced disease — increased from between 1 and 2 cases per 100,000 women to about 3 cases per 100,000 during that time span.


The study was published Tuesday in the Journal of the American Medical Association.


About one in 8 women will develop breast cancer in their lifetime, but only 1 in 173 will develop it by age 40. Risks increase with age and certain gene variations can raise the odds.


Routine screening with mammograms is recommended for older women but not those younger than 40.


Dr. Len Lichtenfeld, the American Cancer Society's deputy chief medical officer, said the results support anecdotal reports but that there's no reason to start screening all younger women since breast cancer is still so uncommon for them.


He said the study "is solid and interesting and certainly does raise questions as to why this is being observed." One of the most likely reasons is probably related to changes in childbearing practices, he said, adding that the trend "is clearly something to be followed."


Dr. Ann Partridge, chair of the federal Centers for Disease Control and Prevention's advisory committee on breast cancer in young women, agreed but said it's also possible that doctors look harder for advanced disease in younger women than in older patients. More research is needed to make sure the phenomenon is real, said Partridge, director of a program for young women with breast cancer at the Harvard-affiliated Dana-Farber Cancer Institute.


The study shouldn't cause alarm, she said. Still, Partridge said young women should be familiar with their breasts and see the doctor if they notice any lumps or other changes.


Software engineer Stephanie Carson discovered a large breast tumor that had already spread to her lungs; that diagnosis in 2003 was a huge shock.


"I was so clueless," she said. "I was just 29 and that was the last thing on my mind."


Carson, who lives near St. Louis, had a mastectomy, chemotherapy, radiation and other treatments and she frequently has to try new drugs to keep the cancer at bay.


Because most breast cancer is diagnosed in early stages, there's a misconception that women are treated, and then get on with their lives, Carson said. She and her husband had to abandon hopes of having children, and she's on medical leave from her job.


"It changed the complete course of my life," she said. "But it's still a good life."


____


Online:


JAMA: http://jama.ama-assn.org


CDC: http://www.cdc.gov/cancer/breast/index.htm


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Imperial County betting its future on renewable energy









Situated in the southeastern corner of California, bordering Arizona and Mexico, Imperial County has long depended on agriculture and cash crops that grew from the good earth.


But lately the region — which carries the dubious distinction of having the state's highest unemployment rate at 25.5% — is betting its future on a different kind of farm: green energy.


Spurred by a state mandate that requires utilities to get a third of their electricity from green sources by 2020, renewable energy companies are leasing or buying thousands of acres in Imperial County to convert to energy farms providing power for coastal cities — bringing an estimated 6,000 building jobs and billions in construction activity to the county.





Although renewable energy projects are sprouting up across the Golden State, no county needs them as much as Imperial, which has consistently ranked as the worst-performing region of California even in boom times.


The prospect of a construction boom has excited residents hungry for work. But some farmers and Native American tribes are crying foul, angry that the new projects are encroaching on land that they claim has cultural value or should be devoted to crops.


Solar, wind and geothermal projects are popping up on farms that once grew wheat, alfalfa and sugar beets. County officials say the normally hardscrabble region is benefiting from vast tracts of affordable land and lots of sunshine, the one resource the region can almost always count on.


"It's sunny 365 days of the year, damn near," boasted Mike Kelley, chairman of the county's Board of Supervisors. "Renewable energy is going to give Imperial County a shot in the arm."


Local advocates are betting that a "green rush" will lift a county that has struggled with economic upheaval. The Bureau of Labor Statistics just ranked El Centro as the second-worst metro area for job hunters, after Yuma, Ariz. Its unemployment rate fluctuated between 25% and 33% from 2010 and 2012.


Two of the county's top five employers are the Calipatria and Centinela state prisons. The agriculture sector shed jobs as farmers moved to automation and switched to less labor-intensive crops. Construction work vanished when El Centro, the county's biggest city, was hit hard by the housing crisis. Long-standing businesses such as a food processing plant moved elsewhere, taking away hundreds of jobs.


But with green energy companies scrambling to build solar installations and wind farms throughout the county, some residents are convinced that Imperial's fortunes will soon be looking up.


Tenaska Solar Ventures plans to break ground this year on its second project in the county after nearing completion on its first site, known as the Imperial Solar Energy Center South, on nearly 1,000 acres near El Centro.


The company came to the region both for its "abundant sunshine" and also proximity to the Sunrise Powerlink, a power transmission line completed last year that connects Imperial and San Diego counties, said Bob Ramaekers, Tenaska's vice president of development.


More than 500 construction workers have been hired to work on Tenaska Imperial South, with 70% coming from the local community, he said. A job fair held last year drew about 1,200 applicants. The second project will generate as many as 300 construction jobs, with priority given to local hires.


"One of the advantages of solar projects is they are not really high-tech. Anyone who has worked at all in the construction business can work in a solar facility," said Andy Horne, deputy executive officer of the county's natural resources department. "It's like a big erector set — you bolt these things together and ba-da-bing, you have a solar project."


The lure of a steady, well-paid job is what persuaded Victor Santana, 27, to start training as a journeyman electrician two years ago. He had studied film in college and hoped to make movies, but ended up working a series of odd jobs after the economic downturn — driving tractors, operating hay presses, selling vacuum cleaners. Even a video-editing gig he eventually found paid minimum wage,


"Things had dried up. There was only field work, or fast food, or working at the local mall," the El Centro resident said.


Santana finally decided to switch careers after hearing the pitch from green energy companies trickling into town. Now he earns about $21 an hour with regular raises every six months, and the prospect of steady work for another seven to 10 years just from the stream of solar and wind projects. "I feel a lot more secure than I did," he said.


Green energy may help Imperial hold onto its young people, who often try to land a government job or leave the county altogether in search of better-paying jobs elsewhere. Calipatria Unified School District is launching a vocational program this fall to prepare high school graduates for jobs in renewable energy. San Diego State is building a power plant simulator at its Brawley campus.


"With the advent of renewable energy, we are seeing a different kind of industrial base," said Mike Sabath, associate dean of academic affairs at San Diego State's Imperial Valley campus. "Hopefully that will provide opportunities to develop more job stability in the region than what we have enjoyed."


But construction has raised the hackles of some locals. There are farmers wringing their hands over fertile land snapped up by energy companies; they worry that a way of life is being edged out by corporations eager to cash in on the modern gold rush.





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British Media to Challenge Secrecy Bid in Litvinenko Case





The British Broadcasting Corporation said it and other news organizations would oppose an effort on Tuesday by the British government to limit information disclosed to the planned inquest into the death of Alexander V. Litvinenko, a former officer in the KGB who died of radiation poisoning in London more than six years ago.




The BBC reported that the government had planned to apply for a so-called Public Interest Immunity certificate, usually issued on the grounds of national security that would prevent the inquest from hearing information on topics which have not been made public.


The authorities’ resistance to full disclosure may force a postponement in the scheduled May 1 start date for the inquest, which would be the first — and likely the only — forum for sworn testimony about the killing, according to a lawyer for Mr. Litvinenko’s widow, Marina Litvinenko.


The lawyer, Ben Emmerson, complained on Tuesday that the preparations for the inquest were becoming “bogged down” by “the government’s attempt to keep a lid on the truth.”


“It is the government’s secret files that are delaying this inquest,” he said, according to the Press Association news agency, which also quoted the coroner, Sir Robert Owen, as saying on Tuesday that “due to the complexity of the investigation which necessarily precedes the hearings” the schedule for the inquest to begin on May 1 “may be a timetable to which it may not be possible to adhere.”


The Guardian newspaper, which is also opposing the government’s effort to restrict evidence, said that it would argue that “the public and media are faced with a situation where a public inquest into a death may have large amounts of highly relevant evidence excluded from consideration by the inquest. Such a prospect is deeply troubling.”


But the Foreign Office said the authorities had made their application in line with their “duty to protect national security and the coroner would rule according to “the overall public interest.”


The case has strained ties between Britain and Russia, reviving memories of the cold war.


Mr. Litvinenko, who styled himself a whistle-blower and foe of the Kremlin, died in November, 2006, weeks after he secured British citizenship. He had fled from Russia to Britain in 2000.


Britain’s Crown Prosecution is seeking the extradition from Russia of Andrei K. Lugovoi, another former KGB officer, to face trial on murder charges. Mr. Lugovoi denies the accusation and Russia says its constitution forbids it from sending its citizens to other countries to face trial.


At a hearing in December in advance of the inquest, which is to start on May 1, Mr. Emmerson, the lawyer representing Marina Litvinenko, said that Mr. Litvinenko was a “registered and paid agent and employee of MI6, with a dedicated handler whose pseudonym was Martin.”


Mr. Litvinenko also worked for the Spanish intelligence service, Mr. Emmerson said, and both the British and Spanish spy agencies made payments into a joint account with his wife. The lawyer added that the inquest should consider whether MI6 failed in its duty to protect him against a “real and immediate risk to life.”


The BBC said Marina Litvinenko would also oppose the British government’s effort to limit information about its knowledge of her husband’s death.


The coroner has said in previous hearings that he will examine what was known about threats to Mr. Litvinenko and would also seek to determine whether the Russian state bore responsibility. In a deathbed statement, Mr. Litvinenko directly blamed President Vladimir V. Putin, who dismissed the accusation.


Russian state prosecutors are expected to be represented at the inquest. Moscow has denied British suggestions that it may have been involved in killing Mr. Litvinenko, who died after ingesting polonium 210 — a rare radioactive isotope — at the Pine Bar of the Millennium Hotel in central London.


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Charlize Theron & Channing Tatum's Oscars Dance - No Practice Makes Perfect!









02/26/2013 at 08:35 AM EST







Channing Tatum and Charlize Theron


Getty


Who knew Charlize Theron could dance? Or that Channing Tatum could do so with his clothes on?

Together they wowed the Academy Awards on Sunday, performing a challenging ballroom dance in front of 40 million viewers – each counting on their background in dance to make up for a frightening lack of rehearsal time.

"They were going to cram and rehearse constantly over two days [right before the Oscars]. But then they both simultaneously got the flu," producer Neil Meron tells PEOPLE.

"We were going, 'Oh my God.' Literally at the last minute they got to rehearse and miraculously got up there and they killed."

It helped that both know a little something about dance.

Theron, 37, studied at the Joffrey Ballet School in New York before embarking on her Oscar-winning acting career. "We reached out to Charlize first, and there was no hesitation. She absolutely jumped on board," says Meron.

Tatum, 32, was less sure of himself, despite loads of dance experience in movies like Step Up and Magic Mike, the latter loosely based on his own experiences as a male stripper.

"Chan said to us, 'Look, I have danced in all these movies, but I have never really done honest-to-God choreography. I don't know that I can do that,' " Meron says. "We told him, 'We believe you are a great dancer, and that you will be able to do it.' He said he would give it a try."

In the end, they dazzled with a Fred Astaire and Ginger Rogers style number choreographed by Rob Ashford.

And Chan even kept his tux on.

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Koop, who transformed surgeon general post, dies


With his striking beard and starched uniform, former Surgeon General Dr. C. Everett Koop became one of the most recognizable figures of the Reagan era — and one of the most unexpectedly enduring.


His nomination in 1981 met a wall of opposition from women's groups and liberal politicians, who complained President Ronald Reagan selected Koop, a pediatric surgeon and evangelical Christian from Philadelphia, only because of his conservative views, especially his staunch opposition to abortion.


Soon, though, he was a hero to AIDS activists, who chanted "Koop, Koop" at his appearances but booed other officials. And when he left his post in 1989, he left behind a landscape where AIDS was a top research and educational priority, smoking was considered a public health hazard, and access to abortion remained largely intact.


Koop, who turned his once-obscure post into a bully pulpit for seven years during the Reagan and George H.W. Bush administrations and who surprised both ends of the political spectrum by setting aside his conservative personal views on issues such as homosexuality and abortion to keep his focus sharply medical, died Monday at his home in Hanover, N.H. He was 96.


An assistant at Koop's Dartmouth College institute, Susan Wills, confirmed his death but didn't disclose its cause.


Dr. Richard Carmona, who served as surgeon general a decade ago under President George W. Bush, said Koop was a mentor to him and preached the importance of staying true to the science even if it made politicians uncomfortable.


"He set the bar high for all who followed in his footsteps," Carmona said.


Although the surgeon general has no real authority to set government policy, Koop described himself as "the health conscience of the country" and said modestly just before leaving his post that "my only influence was through moral suasion."


A former pipe smoker, Koop carried out a crusade to end smoking in the United States; his goal had been to do so by 2000. He said cigarettes were as addictive as heroin and cocaine. And he shocked his conservative supporters when he endorsed condoms and sex education to stop the spread of AIDS.


Chris Collins, a vice president of amFAR, the Foundation for AIDS Research, said many people don't realize what an important role Koop played in the beginning of the AIDS epidemic.


"At the time, he really changed the national conversation, and he showed real courage in pursuing the duties of his job," Collins said.


Even after leaving office, Koop continued to promote public health causes, from preventing childhood accidents to better training for doctors.


"I will use the written word, the spoken word and whatever I can in the electronic media to deliver health messages to this country as long as people will listen," he promised.


In 1996, he rapped Republican presidential hopeful Bob Dole for suggesting that tobacco was not invariably addictive, saying Dole's comments "either exposed his abysmal lack of knowledge of nicotine addiction or his blind support of the tobacco industry."


Although Koop eventually won wide respect with his blend of old-fashioned values, pragmatism and empathy, his nomination met staunch opposition.


Foes noted that Koop traveled the country in 1979 and 1980 giving speeches that predicted a progression "from liberalized abortion to infanticide to passive euthanasia to active euthanasia, indeed to the very beginnings of the political climate that led to Auschwitz, Dachau and Belsen."


But Koop, a devout Presbyterian, was confirmed after he told a Senate panel he would not use the surgeon general's post to promote his religious ideology. He kept his word.


In 1986, he issued a frank report on AIDS, urging the use of condoms for "safe sex" and advocating sex education as early as third grade.


He also maneuvered around uncooperative Reagan administration officials in 1988 to send an educational AIDS pamphlet to more than 100 million U.S. households, the largest public health mailing ever.


Koop personally opposed homosexuality and believed sex should be saved for marriage. But he insisted that Americans, especially young people, must not die because they were deprived of explicit information about how HIV was transmitted.


Koop further angered conservatives by refusing to issue a report requested by the Reagan White House, saying he could not find enough scientific evidence to determine whether abortion has harmful psychological effects on women.


Koop maintained his personal opposition to abortion, however. After he left office, he told medical students it violated their Hippocratic oath. In 2009, he wrote to Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid, urging that health care legislation include a provision to ensure doctors and medical students would not be forced to perform abortions. The letter briefly set off a security scare because it was hand delivered.


Koop served as chairman of the National Safe Kids Campaign and as an adviser to President Bill Clinton's health care reform plan.


At a congressional hearing in 2007, Koop spoke about political pressure on the surgeon general post. He said Reagan was pressed to fire him every day, but Reagan would not interfere.


Koop, worried that medicine had lost old-fashioned caring and personal relationships between doctors and patients, opened his institute at Dartmouth to teach medical students basic values and ethics. He also was a part-owner of a short-lived venture, drkoop.com, to provide consumer health care information via the Internet.


Koop was born in the New York City borough of Brooklyn, the only son of a Manhattan banker and the nephew of a doctor. He said by age 5 he knew he wanted to be a surgeon and at age 13 he practiced his skills on neighborhood cats.


He attended Dartmouth, where he received the nickname Chick, short for "chicken Koop." It stuck for life.


Koop received his medical degree at Cornell Medical College, choosing pediatric surgery because so few surgeons practiced it.


In 1938, he married Elizabeth Flanagan, the daughter of a Connecticut doctor. They had four children, one of whom died in a mountain climbing accident when he was 20.


Koop was appointed surgeon-in-chief at Children's Hospital in Philadelphia and served as a professor at the University of Pennsylvania School of Medicine.


He pioneered surgery on newborns and successfully separated three sets of conjoined twins. He won national acclaim by reconstructing the chest of a baby born with the heart outside the body.


Although raised as a Baptist, he was drawn to a Presbyterian church near the hospital, where he developed an abiding faith. He began praying at the bedside of his young patients — ignoring the snickers of some of his colleagues.


Koop's wife died in 2007, and he married Cora Hogue in 2010.


He was by far the best-known surgeon general and for decades afterward was still a recognized personality.


"I was walking down the street with him one time" about five years ago, recalled Dr. George Wohlreich, director of the College of Physicians of Philadelphia, a medical society with which Koop had longstanding ties. "People were yelling out, 'There goes Dr. Koop!' You'd have thought he was a rock star."


___


Ring reported from Montpelier, Vt. Cass reported from Washington. AP Medical Writers Lauran Neergaard in Washington and Mike Stobbe in New York contributed to this report.


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Does Eric Garcetti keep his word? Accounts vary









Santiago Perez and his neighbors went straight to Councilman Eric Garcetti when they heard that a developer planned to build a 62-unit housing and retail development on their quiet street in Echo Park.


Worried that the four-story complex would tower over homes and bring excess traffic, the group emerged from their meeting at Los Angeles City Hall feeling relieved. "He told us that, yes, he's with us and he will do everything possible to reject the plan," Perez said.


But months later in front of the citywide Planning Commission, a Garcetti representative offered the lawmaker's tacit support for the project, saying it was "designed well" and would bring needed jobs and housing to the area.





Perez and his neighbors felt blindsided. "He said one thing and then he did another," Perez said. One of his neighbors fired off an angry message via Twitter: "Eric Garcetti went back on his word."


If Garcetti succeeds in his bid to become L.A.'s next mayor, he will face new pressure to take decisive action on hotly contested issues. A number of colleagues and constituents say he has not always been a steadfast ally and decision maker.


Another mayoral front runner, Wendy Greuel, alluded to that allegation in a recent appearance before city workers, saying they need someone who will "be true to their word."


Garcetti insists he never wavers from a promise. In nearly 12 years in office, he has made decisions that have upset some people, he acknowledged. But the vast majority of people he has worked with have had positive experiences, he said.


He said that he never committed to fighting the Echo Park development and that he "reserves the right" to take his time forming a position on an issue. "I listen to a lot of people to make sure I'm as well-informed as possible up until the last hour," he said.


Councilman Bernard C. Parks, who has served alongside Garcetti for more than a decade, said Garcetti too often tests the political winds before taking a stand. Parks, who is backing Councilwoman Jan Perry's bid for mayor, alleges that Garcetti misled him last year by voting for a controversial redistricting plan after indicating he opposed it. Garcetti also undermined the city's efforts to hold down costs of employee union contracts, Parks said.


"I think he doesn't want to make an enemy of anyone," Parks said.


Garcetti said that he never told Parks he would oppose the redistricting plan and that the tough stance he took with the unions is "the reason I don't have [them] lining up behind me."


Questions of Garcetti's reliability arose for Marc Galucci, who went to the councilman for support in turning his Echo Park cafe into a restaurant serving beer and wine.


Galucci assembled neighbors to back his application for a liquor license for Fix Coffee, but parents of some children at a nearby school opposed it.


Galucci said Garcetti told him that he would remain neutral but offered suggestions on how to gain community support. Then, at 10 p.m. the night before the liquor license hearing, a Garcetti representative phoned. "Tomorrow at the hearing we're going to oppose this," she said.


"I was just flabbergasted," said Galucci. He later learned that Monica Garcia, president of the Board of the Los Angeles Unified School District, had asked Garcetti to oppose the request.


In the end, Galucci got the license, but he said the situation left him with a bad taste.


Garcetti acknowledged that the issue had been "a contentious one," but he said he had not pledged to remain neutral. He said that he initially liked the idea of a liquor permit for Fix but that community opposition "continued to grow and grow."


Former Councilwoman Jackie Goldberg, who has endorsed Garcetti, said that it's important to be flexible but that avoiding a strong stand can leave the wrong impression. "I do know that he is a person who tries to make people happy, and when you do that, people hear what they want to hear," she said.


On the campaign trail, Garcetti often touts his strengths as a consensus builder. Some current and former colleagues say his desire to find a compromise can be a weakness when consensus isn't possible.


Former City Councilman Greig Smith recalled a 2010 struggle in which the Department of Water and Power and Mayor Antonio Villaraigosa sought to raise rates to a level the council thought inappropriate. On the day of the vote, Garcetti and Perry appeared before the DWP commission to say the council would not support the plan.


When Garcetti returned to the council for a late-night hearing, he urged his colleagues to rethink the rate hike, according to Smith, who is supporting Perry. Smith said that before Garcetti had a chance to persuade his colleagues to reconsider the hike, Smith pushed through a vote to table it.


Garcetti disputes the account, saying he did not seek reconsideration.


In the wake of the DWP fight, Garcetti backed a successful ballot measure to create the Office of Public Accountability intended to scrutinize the utility. Jack Humphreville, an activist who has long complained about high salaries at the city-owned utility, said Garcetti's office at first seemed to support a multimillion-dollar budget for the office and broad powers for a ratepayer advocate.


Garcetti later allowed the ballot measure to be "neutered" after pressure from the utility workers union, Humphreville said. The ratepayer advocate's powers were reduced and its granted funding was cut.


"Eric agreed to all this stuff, and then he started backpedaling on us," Humphreville said.


Garcetti disagreed, saying the office has substantial powers.


Nick Patsaouras, a former DWP board member, said that he also was disappointed by the final measure but that Garcetti's concessions probably kept it from "being killed" entirely by labor advocates.


"I think Eric did well, considering," he said.


kate.linthicum@latimes.com





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India Ink: Laliji, the Octogenarian from Bihar

Why do millions of people, from entire Indian villages to urbane middle managers to foreign tourists, brave the crowds at the Kumbh Mela? During this year’s 55-day pilgrimage, to Allahabad, Uttar Pradesh, an estimated 100 million Hindus and others are expected to take a holy dip in the Ganges River to wash away their sins. India Ink interviewed some of them.

Laliji, 80, from Chhapra, Bihar, was one among them. This is what she had to say.

Why did you come to the Kumbh Mela this year? Is it your first time?

I have come to the Kumbh before, but this is the first time my son brought me here. It was his way of showing his gratitude.

How have you found it so far?

I like it, especially since all my friends and fellow-villagers are here. We are celebrating it. The dip was memorable, though the water was cold. But I am enjoying.

Describe your journey to the Kumbh. Did you travel alone? How long did it take?

We took a bus from our house to the district headquarters, from where the village leaders had promised to arrange transport for us. But that seemed to be a crowded option, hence we decided to take another bus and come here.

Do you consider yourself a religious person?

I am very religious, and have brought up my eight sons that way. We are God-fearing people. We think twice before we can hurt anyone or anything. It’s not for nothing that we are respected in our village.

Who do you think is going to win the 2014 election?

I don’t understand politics. Last year, someone paid us to vote for them — we did.

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Anne Hathaway's Oscar Dress Had You Talking









02/25/2013 at 08:30 AM EST



The Oscars may honor the best in film, but they'd be nothing without the fashion.

When Anne Hathaway stepped on to the red carpet in a light pink backless Prada gown at Sunday's 85th Annual Academy Awards, she made quite the fashion statement.

While the gown seemed simple from the front, at second glance, an open back and thigh-high slit gave it a sexy edge. Hathaway, 30, told Kristin Chenoweth on ABC's red carpet that her mom called the dress "business in front, party in the back."

Viewers had their own opinions on the dress – which seemed to emphasize Hathaway's bust – which later inspired its own parody Twitter account.

But the dress may have served as a lucky charm for Hathaway, who took home the Oscar for Best Supporting Actress for her role in Les Misérables.

"It came true. Thank you so much to the Academy for this and for nominating me with Helen Hunt, Jacki Weaver, Amy Adams and Sally Field. I look up to you all so much and it's just been such an honor. Thank you," Hathaway said upon receiving her Oscar.

She continued, "There are so many people whose generosity and support is the reason I'm standing here right now. I must thank Hugh Jackman. Hugh, you're the best. The cast, the crew, especially Simon Hayes and the sound wizards. Congratulations on tonight, you guys."

Hathaway continued thanking the cast and the crew before giving a romantic shout out to her husband, Adam Shulman.

"By far and away, the greatest moment of my life is the one when you walked into it. I love you so much. And thank you for this. Here's hoping that someday in the not too distant future the misfortunes of Fantine will only be found in stories and never in real life. Thank you."

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